Assane Sylla (1992, 20) lists the twelve historic péncs of Ndakarou as follows: Kâye Thieudême, Khok, Mbot, Thieurigne, Diéko, Santhiaba, Ngarâf, Gouye Salâm, Yakhdieuf, Mbakeundeu, Kây-Ousmane-Diène.
"Le grand Serigne" or the "Président de la République lébou" (termed "republic" by contemporary French visitors because of its relatively egalitarian organization) resided in the village of Thiérigne, whose toponym means "at the sëriñ''s" (Seck 1970, 129). Since Faidherbe did not mention Thiérigne (which was close to Thann) but rather Thann as the residence of the sëriñ, it is possible that both villages (which are also close in their pronunciation) were considered by him as "Thann."
In attempting to access the extent of the Lebou displacements in this early period on Cap Vert Peninsula, Assane Seck identified several discrepancies between (colonial) archival evidence and (Lebou) oral accounts, especially the account of the notable M''bor Diène (1878–1965). See Seck 1970, 128.
For more on the politicization of the epidemic on the eve of WWI, see ANS H55 and Betts 1971. Echenberg 2002 fully covers the critical days in Dakar during the 1914 epidemic, yet his socio-political analysis is less focused on its spatiality. See also Johnson 1971; Diouf 2000.
In both French and British West Africa, conquest and administration were chronically underfunded and under-staffed. This inherent weakness affected the realization of urban planning schemes there, and allowed the promotion of the interests of the indigenous populations to various extents and at various scales (see also Robinson 1990).
At the time, Blaise Diagne was also an elected member of the National Assembly in Paris, where he represented the four Senegalese communes. A Lebou from Rufisque, he was instrumental in preventing the full implementation of the policy to evict Lebou from the Plateau.
When it established Médina quarter, Dakar''s City Council introduced relatively loose building regulations in comparison to those of the Plateau. It even provided wooden planks and roof tiles so that the evicted residents could rebuild the type of barrack houses they had been living in the old neighborhoods. Simultaneously, buildings of wood and thatch were forbidden on the Plateau. The colonial authorities thus used building regulations regarding "hygiene" and fire-prevention in lieu of "race" to enforce residential segregation (see Seck 1970).
For more on the colonial involvement in building mosques and Islamic religious complexes in the Médina and environs, which were normally kept relatively small structures often without a minaret, see: ANS 4P 1514–16. See also Cantone 2012.
Ngaraf is renowned for its Islamic religious and educational leadership within the Lebou community. The quiet, shady environment of its pénc seems to reflect this quality, compared to the noisy workshops of Mbakeunda and street trade of Thieudéme.
In legal terms, the city of Touba has the status of a single indivisible private property. A first property deed for 400 hectares surrounding the mosque site was emitted in 1930 and revised in 1945. It is owned collectively by all the descendants of Ahmadou Bamba Mbacké. The 2001 deed increased the property to nearly thirty thousand hectares, or three hundred square kilometers.
Though it is the ancestral home of the Mbacké clerical lineage, the city of Mbacké has no special status. It is administered as any other Senegalese city (commune urbaine) and is not included in Touba''s autonomous jurisdiction.
In Senegal, the term "capital" is used to designate the headquarters of the major Sufi orders. This testifies the importance of the orders, and of the cities that house their central institutions.
The Gamou of Tivaouane (the Wolof term gàmmu designates a celebration) is held annually on the 12th day of the month of Rabi'' al-Awwal in commemoration of the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad (mawlid al-nabi). All Senegal''s Sufi orders celebrate the holiday, but it is particularly important for the Tijaniyya, and Tivaouane''s Gamou, which attracts over 1,000,000 pilgrims from across the country and abroad, is the largest.
During the colonial era the building of mosques in cities was severely constrained by the authorities. Authorization and construction permits were rarely given. Since independence the post-colonial state has greatly liberalized the process, allowing for the building of enumerable mosques by private citizens and community groups.
Policies and ethics
About Dakar grid modernization
As the photovoltaic (PV) industry continues to evolve, advancements in Dakar grid modernization have become critical to optimizing the utilization of renewable energy sources. From innovative battery technologies to intelligent energy management systems, these solutions are transforming the way we store and distribute solar-generated electricity.
When you're looking for the latest and most efficient Dakar grid modernization for your PV project, our website offers a comprehensive selection of cutting-edge products designed to meet your specific requirements. Whether you're a renewable energy developer, utility company, or commercial enterprise looking to reduce your carbon footprint, we have the solutions to help you harness the full potential of solar energy.
By interacting with our online customer service, you'll gain a deep understanding of the various Dakar grid modernization featured in our extensive catalog, such as high-efficiency storage batteries and intelligent energy management systems, and how they work together to provide a stable and reliable power supply for your PV projects.
